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By Timothy J. Lynch

In the direction of the top of his moment time period, apparently George W. Bush's international coverage has received few admirers, with pundits and politicians eagerly and opportunistically bashing the tenets of the Bush Doctrine. This provocative account dares to counter the dogma of Bush's Beltway detractors and his ideological enemies, boldly arguing that Bush's coverage deservedly belongs in the mainstream of the yank overseas coverage culture. although the moving tide of public opinion has led many to expect that his successor will repudiate the activities of the earlier 8 years, authors Timothy Lynch and Robert S. Singh recommend that there will-and should-be continuity in US international coverage from his Presidency to those that persist with. delivering a good audit of the battle on terror (which they contend can be understood as a moment chilly battle) they cost that the Bush Doctrine has been in keeping with prior overseas policies-from Republican and Democratic presidencies-and that the main components of Bush's grand technique will rightly proceed to form America's technique sooner or later. notably, they are expecting that his successors will pursue the warfare opposed to Islamist terror with related commitment.

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Additional info for After Bush: The Case for Continuity in American Foreign Policy

Sample text

It finds him a European in dress, industries, tools, modes of travel, and thought. 22 According to this version of the tradition, the security situation facing the frontiersman and the character of the regime shaped by him was – after a sprinkling of Lockean individualism – almost entirely endogenous. The legacy of this atomistic social freedom is often forgotten or ignored by contemporary non-American (especially European) commentators. 23 A less noticed, but no less significant, legacy of the frontier was the relative obscurity of nearly all American politicians, particularly of presidents.

How many nations need to support an action before it is considered sufficiently multilateral and therefore justifiable? Ten? Fifty? One hundred and fifty? 87 Consistent with the purported moral sanctity of multilateralism is the belief that it is more effective practically than the unilateralism of any one state. This is open to dispute on a number of fronts. If anything, the lesson of post-1991 international crises is that if the US government does not act the EU is unlikely to so do. US ambivalence over the Rwandan genocide (1994) goes some way to explaining – even if it does not excuse – European inaction.

These rights were ‘unalienable’ and universal. The particularity of geography necessarily gave way to the universalism of ideology. Indeed, with America’s nationalism defined in civic, not ethnic or religious, terms, the nation was rendered especially attractive as a destination for immigrants from around the world. 33 The consistency of Bush’s rhetoric lies in the rearticulating of this universalistic compulsion – Bush as statesman – one which is in 26 After Bush tension, both before and after 9/11, with his isolationist impulses – Bush the Midland rancher.

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